Developmental psychology

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- Preface
- Theoretical problems of development psychology
  - 1.1 The subject, objectives and methods of psychology
  - 1.2 Conception of age and psychological development stages
- The problem of the periodization of mental development in developmental psychology
  - 2 The problem of the periodization of mental development in developmental psychology
  - 2.1 Biogenetic concepts in foreign developmental psychology
  - 2.2 The theory of Jean Piaget’s mental development
  - 2.3.Epigenetic principle of development by E.Erikson
  - 2.4 Cultural-historical concept of mental development by Vygotsky
- Psychological aspects of ontogenetic development period
  - 3.1.Newborn crisis
  - 3.2 Infancy (2-12 months)
  - 3.3 Toddlerhood (1-3 year)
  - 3.4 Preschool age (3- 6-7 year)
  - 3.5 Early school age (7—10,11 years)
  - 3.6 Adolescence (10-11 — 15-16 years)
  - 3.7 Youth (17-18 – 26 years)
  - 3.8 Aduldhood
  - 3.9 Late aduldhood
- Practice
  - 1.1 The subject, objectives and methods of psychology
  - 2 The problem of the periodization of mental development in developmental psychology
  - 2.4 Cultural-historical concept of mental development by Vygotsky
  - 3.4 Preschool age (3- 6-7 year)
  - 3.6 Adolescence (10-11 — 15-16 years)

- Алғы сөз
- Даму психологиясының теориялық мәселелері
  - 1.1 Психологияның пәні, міндеттері мен әдістері
  - 1.2 Жастың психологиялық тұжырымдамасы және психикалық дамудың кезеңділігі туралы мәселе
- Даму психологиядағы психикалық дамудың кезеңділігі туралы мәселе
  - 2 Даму психологиядағы психикалық дамудың кезеңділігі туралы мәселе
  - 2.1 Шетелдік және отандық психологиядағы қозғаушы күштердің, ақыл-ой дамуының көздері мен жағдайлары туралы пікірлер
  - 2.2 Ж.Пиаженің психикалық даму теориясы
  - 2.3.3Э. Эриксонның жеке тұлғаны дамытудың эпигенетикалық теориясы
  - 2.4 Л.С. Выготскийдің психикалық дамуының мәдени-тарихи тұжырымдамасы
- Онтогенетикалық даму кезеңдерінің психологиялық сипаттамалары
  - 3.1.Сәби дағдарысы
  - 3.2 Нәресте (2-12 ай)
  - 3.3 Ерте жастағы (1-3 жас)
  - 3.4 Мектепке дейінгі жас (3- 6-7 жас)
  - 3.5 Кіші мектептік жас (7-10,11 жас)
  - 3.6 Жасөспірім жас (10,11-15,16 жас)
  - 3.7 Жастық жас (17,18 – 26 жас)
  - 3.8 Кемел жас
  - 3.9 Кәрілік
- Практика
  - 1.1 Психологияның пәні, міндеттері мен әдістері
  - 2 Даму психологиядағы психикалық дамудың кезеңділігі туралы мәселе
  - 2.4 Л.С. Выготскийдің психикалық дамуының мәдени-тарихи тұжырымдамасы
  - 3.4 Мектепке дейінгі жас (3- 6-7 жас)
  - 3.6 Жасөспірім жас (10,11-15,16 жас)

3.2 Infancy (2-12 months)

“Infant” is derived from the Latin word, “infans,” meaning “unable to speak.” Thus, many define infancy as the period from birth to approximately 2 years of age, when language begins to to flourish. It is an exiting period of “firsts” – first smile, first successful grasp, first evidence of separation anxiety, first word, first step, and first sentence. The infant is a dynamic, ever changing being who undergoes an orderly and predictable sequence of neurodevelopment and physical growth. This sequence is influenced continuously by intrinsic and extrinsic forces that produce individual variation and make each infant’s developmental path unique. Intrinsic influences include the child’s physical characteristics, state of wellness or illness, temperament, and other genetically determined attributes. Extrinsic influences during infancy originate primarily from the family: the personalities and style of caregiving by parents and siblings, the family’s economic status with its impact on resources of time and money, and the cultural milieu into which the infant is born.

Between 2 and 12 months of age, the infant’s visual system is rapidly maturing. Infant now sees better and is capable of making increasingly complex visual discriminations, eventually even including temporal movement sequencing into her discriminations. She is also organizing what she sees to perceive visual forms and sets of separate forms.

To demonstrate this new ability to perceive forms, Philip Kellman and Elizabeth Spelke presented infants with a display consisting of a rod partially hidden by a block in front of it. Would they perceive the rod as a whole object, even though part of it was not visible, or would they act as though they had seen two short and separate rods? To find out, 4-month-olds were first presented with either display A (a stationary hidden rod) or display B (a moving hidden rod) and allowed to look at it until they habituated and were no longer interested. Then infants were shown displays C (a whole rod) and D (two rod segments), and their looking preferences were recorded. Infants who had habituated to the stationary hidden rod (display A) showed no clear preference for display C or display D in the later test. They were apparently not able to use available cues, such as the two identical rod tips oriented along the same line, to perceive a whole rod when part of the rod was hidden. Infants did apparently perceive the moving rod (display B) as “whole,” for after habituating to this stimulus, they much preferred to look at the two short rods (display D) than at a whole rod (display C, which they now treated as familiar). It seems that these latter infants inferred the rod’s wholeness from its synchronized movement— the fact that its parts moved in the same direction at the same time. So infants rely heavily on motion cues to identify distinct forms.

Interestingly, this impressive ability to use object movement to perceive form is apparently not present at birth, but has developed by 2 months of age. By age 3 to 4 months, infants can even perceive form in some stationary scenes that capture their attention. So do 3- to 4-month-olds —a remarkable achievement indeed, for the boundary of this “square” is a subjective contour that must be constructed mentally rather than simply detected by the visual system. Further strides in form perception occur later in the first year as infants come to detect more and more about structural configurations from the barest of cues. At about 8 months, infants no longer need kinetic cues to perceive a partially obscured rod as whole. Twelve-month-old infants are even better at constructing form from limited information. After seeing a single point of light move so as to trace a complex shape such as a _, 12-month-olds (but not 8- or 10-month-olds) prefer to look at actual objects with different shapes. This preference for novelty on the part of the 12-month-olds indicates that they have perceived the form traced earlier by the light and now find it less interesting than other novel forms (Rose, 1988; Skouteris, McKenzie, & Day, 1992).

Newborns are biologically prepared to seek visual stimulation and make visual discriminations. These early visual experiences are important, for they keep the visual neurons firing and contribute to the maturation of the visual centers of the brain (Nelson, 1995).

By about 2 to 3 months of age, maturation has progressed to the point of allowing an infant to see more detail, scan more systematically, and begin to construct visual forms, including one for faces in general, as well as more specifi c confi gurations that represent the faces of familiar companions. All the while, infants are continuing their visual explorations and gaining knowledge that will permit them to make even fi ner distinctions among visual stimuli, and to draw some general inferences about the signifi cance of such forms as an elongated toy that rattles when shaken or a gleeful look on a father’s face.

Notice, then, that the growth of form perception results from a continuous interplay, or interaction, among the baby’s inborn equipment (a working, but immature, visual sense), biological maturation, and visual experiences (or learning). Let’s see if this same interactive model holds for spatial perception as well. remains the same size when its image on the retina becomes larger as it moves closer or smaller as it moves further away? Until recently, researchers claimed that size constancy could not emerge until 3 to 5 months of age, after infants had developed good binocular vision (stereopsis) that would help them to make accurate spatial inferences. But even newborns know something about an object’s real size, although this ability is not yet fully developed.

Apparently, binocular vision does contribute to its development, for 4-month-olds, who show greater evidence of size constancy, are those whose binocular capabilities are most mature (Aslin, 1987). Movement cues also contribute: inferences about real size among 4.-month-olds are more likely to be accurate if the infants have watched an object approach and recede (Day & McKenzie, 1981). Size constancy steadily improves throughout the first year; however, this ability is not fully mature until 10 to 11 years of age (Day, 1987).